Rachel Reeves has approached this week's spending review comparable to a unwilling bather creeping into icy water, attempting to lessen the hardship through gradual entry.
Reeves commenced tackling the problem of insufficient income at the end of summer. To begin with, she declined to support previous assertions that tax rises in the prior year's financial statement would be the final ones.
Then, earlier this month, she took a more significant step into the icy waters. A speech committed to "do what is necessary" to finance state services and control loan interest under control.
After 10 days, the Treasury had withdrawn the implication. The campaign pledge was upheld ultimately. Similar to any freezing-water swimmer knows, this aborted dive and trembling retreat is the least effective of all methods. No strategy prolongs the pain like hesitation.
It can be difficult to be firm when choosing between types of self-inflicted injury.
Expectation has not been a great approach for the administration. Central of the Labour leader's election bid was the unrealistic belief of by some means meeting citizens' call for improved public services without reversing large sums of Tory revenue decreases.
Not once has either Starmer or Reeves successfully communicated a sense of shared mission to justify all this pain. Partly that is a problem of charisma. Starmer and Reeves are remarkably comparable in their ineffective messaging, wooden and unforthcoming in a way that pushes listeners off instead of drawing them in.
Just as electoral expectations to support government services has pushed the Treasury to acknowledge that levies must increase, the economic imperative of increasing growth makes it ever harder to overlook the expense of disconnection from the continental trading bloc.
Ministers spent a period splashing in the shallow end of improved relations with the EU: suggestions to end customs checks on food items; a student movement initiative. Aspiration went a bit deeper on power generation, defence and security cooperation, but no major deals has to date been agreed.
In the absence specific instruction and momentum from Downing Street, discussions are bogged down. Brussels authorities says trading benefits are obtained with payments to the EU budget. British officials are aware that's the arrangement. That doesn't lead them eager for a public row and political opponents howling betrayal over whatever price ends up being settled.
Financial circumstances has provoked some shift in the government's tone on the EU relationship. The chancellor has started naming Brexit alongside the Covid pandemic as a factor of commercial injury that the exchequer is working hard to repair. Government colleagues have done the same, although they deliberately assign the fault to "a bad Brexit deal" or "the exit process", never just "withdrawal".
The problem of the nation's ongoing association with the EU can't be limited to technical adjustments and customs systems when the whole geopolitical order is in tumultuous flux. In light of everything that has happened since the referendum year, it feels legitimate still to be posing the big question: were Britain's interests advanced by departing the EU?
These constitute sobering, challenging facts about the nation's position in turbulent international waters. It is understandable that Starmer and Reeves shy away from the task. It would take them beyond their capabilities, into forces that they will not oppose. So as an alternative they persist nervously moving along the coastline, praying that possibly in the near future the circumstances will turn.